2009
Bechev, Dimitar; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Mediterranean Frontiers: Borders, Conflict and Memory in a Transnational World Book
1 edition, I B Tauris & Co Ltd, 2009, ISBN: 9780857714671.
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title = {Mediterranean Frontiers: Borders, Conflict and Memory in a Transnational World},
author = {Dimitar Bechev and Kalypso Nicolaïdis},
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url = {https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/mediterranean-frontiers-9780857714671/},
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year = {2009},
date = {2009-12-30},
booktitle = {Mediterranean Frontiers: Borders, Conflict and Memory in a Transnational World},
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abstract = {The identity of any nation-state is inextricably linked with its borders and frontiers. Borders connect nations and sustain notions of social cohesion. Yet they are also the sites of division, fragmentation and political conflict. This ambitious study encompasses North Africa, the Middle East, and South and South East Europe to examine the emergence of state borders and polarised identities in the Mediterranean. The authors look at the impact of political boundaries upon the region, along with pressures from European and economic integration, the resurgence of nationalism, and refugee and security concerns. The authors explore the politics of memory, and ask whether echoes from the imperial past - Ottoman and colonial - could provide the basis for conflict resolution, region-building and economic integration.},
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The identity of any nation-state is inextricably linked with its borders and frontiers. Borders connect nations and sustain notions of social cohesion. Yet they are also the sites of division, fragmentation and political conflict. This ambitious study encompasses North Africa, the Middle East, and South and South East Europe to examine the emergence of state borders and polarised identities in the Mediterranean. The authors look at the impact of political boundaries upon the region, along with pressures from European and economic integration, the resurgence of nationalism, and refugee and security concerns. The authors explore the politics of memory, and ask whether echoes from the imperial past - Ottoman and colonial - could provide the basis for conflict resolution, region-building and economic integration.
Betts, Alexander; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The Trade-Migration Linkage: GATS Mode IV Book Chapter
In: Eagleton-Pierce, Matthew; Jones, Emily; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso (Ed.): Building Blocks Towards a Global Trade Ethics, pp. 65-75, 2009.
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Howse, Robert; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Towards a Global Trade Ethics: Preliminary Building Blocks Book Chapter
In: Eagleton-Pierce, Matthew; Jones, Emily; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso (Ed.): pp. 6-15, Oxford GTE Programme, 2009.
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Kleinfeld, Rachel; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Can a Post-Colonial Power Export the Rule of Law? Element of a General Framework Book Chapter
In: Palombella, Gianluigi; Walker, Neil (Ed.): Relocating the Rule of Law, Chapter 7, pp. 139–170, Hart Publishing, 2009, ISBN: 978-1-4725-6463-4.
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abstract = {The European dilemma in exporting the rule of law starts with the two faces of universalism: ‘our system is better than yours and should prevail’ and ‘you deserve what we have’. Is exporting the rule of law a by-product of conquest and domination or of transnational responsibility and cosmopolitan solidarity? What would it take for the EU to act as a genuine ‘post-colonial’ power in this realm, self-reflexive about the echoes of its colonial past and legitimate in the eyes of other countries? Be it as invaders, colonisers or traders, great powers have long viewed bringing their laws or even ‘The Law’ to other peoples as a mark of greatness. There was no higher honour Rome could bestow than bringing citizens from the edges of the Empire under the civilising shadow of Roman laws—which in turn became one of Rome’s enduring legacies to Europe. In the nineteenth century, the great European colonial powers exported their laws as ‘standards of civilisation’ to much of the world, whether directly colonised or the object of asymmetric treaties.},
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The European dilemma in exporting the rule of law starts with the two faces of universalism: ‘our system is better than yours and should prevail’ and ‘you deserve what we have’. Is exporting the rule of law a by-product of conquest and domination or of transnational responsibility and cosmopolitan solidarity? What would it take for the EU to act as a genuine ‘post-colonial’ power in this realm, self-reflexive about the echoes of its colonial past and legitimate in the eyes of other countries? Be it as invaders, colonisers or traders, great powers have long viewed bringing their laws or even ‘The Law’ to other peoples as a mark of greatness. There was no higher honour Rome could bestow than bringing citizens from the edges of the Empire under the civilising shadow of Roman laws—which in turn became one of Rome’s enduring legacies to Europe. In the nineteenth century, the great European colonial powers exported their laws as ‘standards of civilisation’ to much of the world, whether directly colonised or the object of asymmetric treaties.
Anastasakis, Othon; Öktem, Kerem; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Introduction: The long shadow of Europe Book Chapter
In: Anastasakis, Othon; Öktem, Kerem; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso (Ed.): In the Long Shadow of Europe: Greeks and Turks in the Era of Postnationalism, Republic of Letters, 2009, ISBN: 978-9004171121.
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2008
Howse, Robert; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Democracy without Sovereignty: The Global Vocation of Political Ethics Book Chapter
In: Broude, Tomer; Shany, Yuval (Ed.): The Shifting Allocation of Authority in International Law, pp. 163-191, Hart Publishing, 2008, ISBN: 9781841137971.
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Pelabay, Janie
One Union, One Story? In Praise of Europe’s Narrative Diversity Book Chapter
In: Warleigh-Lack, Alex (Ed.): vol. Reflections on European Integration, Palgrave, 2008.
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso; Clark, Phil; Kaufman, Zachary D.
Tensions in Transitional Justice Book Chapter
In: Clark, Phil; Kaufman, Zachary D. (Ed.): vol. After Genocide, Columbia University Press/C. Hurst & Co., New York/London, 2008.
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Bechev, Dimitar; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The Union for the Mediterranean: A Genuine Breakthrough or More of the Same? Journal Article
In: The International Spectator, vol. 43, no. 3, pp. 13-20, 2008.
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title = {The Union for the Mediterranean: A Genuine Breakthrough or More of the Same?},
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year = {2008},
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journal = {The International Spectator},
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abstract = {The new French scheme for a Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), officially inaugurated on 13 July, has stirred up a great deal of controversy inside the EU. Even in its watered-down form, the initiative promises to relaunch the stalled relations between the two sides of the Mediterranean in the context of the Barcelona Process. Though vulnerable to all manner of external shocks linked to the multiple inter- and intra-state conflicts around the Mediterranean, the Sarkozy plan is a welcome move to a greater degree of “co-ownership” through the institution of a joint presidency. Of great importance in the interest of overcoming at least some of the problems that have bedeviled the Barcelona Process is further “decentring” of Euro-Med politics away from Brussels and more comprehensive trade opening by the EU.},
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The new French scheme for a Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), officially inaugurated on 13 July, has stirred up a great deal of controversy inside the EU. Even in its watered-down form, the initiative promises to relaunch the stalled relations between the two sides of the Mediterranean in the context of the Barcelona Process. Though vulnerable to all manner of external shocks linked to the multiple inter- and intra-state conflicts around the Mediterranean, the Sarkozy plan is a welcome move to a greater degree of “co-ownership” through the institution of a joint presidency. Of great importance in the interest of overcoming at least some of the problems that have bedeviled the Barcelona Process is further “decentring” of Euro-Med politics away from Brussels and more comprehensive trade opening by the EU.
2007
Bechev, Dimitar; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Integration Without Accession: The EU’s Special Relationship with the Countries in its Neighbourhood Online
European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional affairs 2007.
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year = {2007},
date = {2007-12-00},
organization = {European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional affairs},
abstract = {This study was inspired by the former Article I-57 of the Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe but is equally pertinent for the provisions on a European neighbourhood policy of the Treaty of Lisbon signed on December 13, 2007 (new Article 7a TUE). The report explores the institutional and policy choices concerning the European Union’s relations with the surrounding countries and regions in its neighbourhood. It surveys the current state of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and, in particular, the perceptions of the partner countries of how the EU contends with a series of political dilemmas. Different models for organising relations with neighbouring countries - pre-accession, the European Economic Area (EEA) and association - are analysed.},
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This study was inspired by the former Article I-57 of the Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe but is equally pertinent for the provisions on a European neighbourhood policy of the Treaty of Lisbon signed on December 13, 2007 (new Article 7a TUE). The report explores the institutional and policy choices concerning the European Union’s relations with the surrounding countries and regions in its neighbourhood. It surveys the current state of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and, in particular, the perceptions of the partner countries of how the EU contends with a series of political dilemmas. Different models for organising relations with neighbouring countries - pre-accession, the European Economic Area (EEA) and association - are analysed.
Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Our Democratic Atonement: Why we Need an Agora Europe Book Chapter
In: The People’s Project? New European Treaty and the Prospects for Future Negotiations, pp. 90-99, European Policy Centre, Brussels, 2007.
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Trusting the Poles? Constructing Europe through mutual recognition Journal Article
In: Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 14, no. 5, pp. 682–698, 2007, ISBN: 1350-1763.
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abstract = {European integration has been and will continue to be flawed with conflicts, conflicts of interests embedded in broader conflicts of identity. I argue that these conflicts and the bargains they require exhibit similar patterns across a wide array of issues, as struggaes around ‘mutual’ recognition where mutuality plays a crucial role. Indeed, the challenges and perils of recognition are universal. But Europe can be seen as an experimental polity where, more formally than else- where, actors debate the contours of a norm which has migrated from regulatory praxis to mode of governance, and beyond, to political principle. If the ‘Polish plumber’ has come to serve as the emblem for the denial of recognition in the EU, mutual recognition is no less conflictual when it comes to the status of refugees, Bosnians or cartoonists. Normatively, if ‘managed mutual recognition’ is to serve as a blueprint beyond international political economy, we need to better analyse the relationship between recognition and trust, blind and binding trust, deferential and interventionist recognition.},
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European integration has been and will continue to be flawed with conflicts, conflicts of interests embedded in broader conflicts of identity. I argue that these conflicts and the bargains they require exhibit similar patterns across a wide array of issues, as struggaes around ‘mutual’ recognition where mutuality plays a crucial role. Indeed, the challenges and perils of recognition are universal. But Europe can be seen as an experimental polity where, more formally than else- where, actors debate the contours of a norm which has migrated from regulatory praxis to mode of governance, and beyond, to political principle. If the ‘Polish plumber’ has come to serve as the emblem for the denial of recognition in the EU, mutual recognition is no less conflictual when it comes to the status of refugees, Bosnians or cartoonists. Normatively, if ‘managed mutual recognition’ is to serve as a blueprint beyond international political economy, we need to better analyse the relationship between recognition and trust, blind and binding trust, deferential and interventionist recognition.
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Exploring Second-Best Solutions in Cyprus Journal Article
In: Survival, vol. 40, no. 3, pp. 30-34, 2007.
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Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
United states? Online
2007.
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Pelabay, Janie; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Comment raconter l’Europe tout en prenant la diversité narrative au sérieux? Online
Raison Publique: Ethique, Politique et Société 2007.
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Nicolaïdis, Dimitri; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Europe in the Mirror of the Mediterranean Book Chapter
In: Fabre, Thierry; Cassia, Paul Sant (Ed.): Between Europe and the Mediterranean: The Challenges and the Fears, pp. 162-194, Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007, ISBN: 978-0-230-28733-4.
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booktitle = {Between Europe and the Mediterranean: The Challenges and the Fears},
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abstract = {Historians, anthropologists, political scientists and demographers explore the principal challenges and fears characterizing relations between Europe and the Mediterranean. The contributors suggest that the greatest challenge facing our political generation is no longer forming a Europe without the Mediterranean, but with it.},
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Historians, anthropologists, political scientists and demographers explore the principal challenges and fears characterizing relations between Europe and the Mediterranean. The contributors suggest that the greatest challenge facing our political generation is no longer forming a Europe without the Mediterranean, but with it.
2006
Meunier, Sophie; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The European Union as a Conflicted Trade Power Journal Article
In: Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 906-925, 2006, ISBN: 1466-4429.
@article{Meunier2006,
title = {The European Union as a Conflicted Trade Power},
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doi = {10.1080=13501760600838623},
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year = {2006},
date = {2006-09-00},
journal = {Journal of European Public Policy},
volume = {13},
number = {6},
pages = {906-925},
publisher = {Taylor & Francis},
abstract = {The EU is a formidable power in trade. Structurally, the sheer size of its market and its more than forty-year experience of negotiating international trade agreements have made it the most powerful trading bloc in the world. Much more problematically, the EU is also becoming a power through trade. Increasingly, it uses market access as a bargaining chip to obtain changes in the domestic arena of its trading partners, from labour standards to development policies, and in the inter- national arena, from global governance to foreign policy. Is the EU up to its ambi- tions? This article examines the underpinnings of the EU’s power through trade across issue-areas and across settings (bilateral, inter-regional, global). It then analyses the major dilemmas associated with the exercise of trade power and argues that strategies of accommodation will need to be refined in each of these realms if the EU is to successfully transform its structural power into effective, and therefore legitimate, influence.},
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The EU is a formidable power in trade. Structurally, the sheer size of its market and its more than forty-year experience of negotiating international trade agreements have made it the most powerful trading bloc in the world. Much more problematically, the EU is also becoming a power through trade. Increasingly, it uses market access as a bargaining chip to obtain changes in the domestic arena of its trading partners, from labour standards to development policies, and in the inter- national arena, from global governance to foreign policy. Is the EU up to its ambi- tions? This article examines the underpinnings of the EU’s power through trade across issue-areas and across settings (bilateral, inter-regional, global). It then analyses the major dilemmas associated with the exercise of trade power and argues that strategies of accommodation will need to be refined in each of these realms if the EU is to successfully transform its structural power into effective, and therefore legitimate, influence.
Bunse, Simone; Magnette, Paul; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Big versus Small: Shared Leadership in the EU and Power Politics in the Convention Book Chapter
In: Beach, Derek; Mazzucelli, Colette (Ed.): Leadership in the Big Bangs of European Integration, Chapter 8, pp. 134-157, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2006, ISBN: 978-0-230-59964-2.
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abstract = {The European Union (EU) is a strange mix. A political construct conceived as a guard against the temptation of hegemony by any member state against any other(s), it relies most fundamentally on the ideal of shared leadership. In the EU, therefore, the principle of equality between states is not mainly grounded in the sovereignty norm as in classic intergovernmental organizations, but rather in the attempt to constrain power. At the same time, however, the EU obeys a stringent reality principle, whereby institutions and decisionmaking procedures must reflect power realities in order to be effective and credible. It would thus be hard to argue that the EU has transcended power politics: the taming of power is the best it can do. Thus, behind the ‘big versus small problem’, the conflicting views over institutional design between more and less populated member states, lies an age-old dilemma faced by all political communities, especially federal constructs (Magnette and Nicolaïdis 2004a).},
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The European Union (EU) is a strange mix. A political construct conceived as a guard against the temptation of hegemony by any member state against any other(s), it relies most fundamentally on the ideal of shared leadership. In the EU, therefore, the principle of equality between states is not mainly grounded in the sovereignty norm as in classic intergovernmental organizations, but rather in the attempt to constrain power. At the same time, however, the EU obeys a stringent reality principle, whereby institutions and decisionmaking procedures must reflect power realities in order to be effective and credible. It would thus be hard to argue that the EU has transcended power politics: the taming of power is the best it can do. Thus, behind the ‘big versus small problem’, the conflicting views over institutional design between more and less populated member states, lies an age-old dilemma faced by all political communities, especially federal constructs (Magnette and Nicolaïdis 2004a).
Keleman, Daniel; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Bringing Federalism Back In Book Chapter
In: Jørgensen, Knud; Mark, Pollack; Rosamond, Ben (Ed.): Handbook of European Union Politics, Chapter 15, pp. 301-316, London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2006.
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booktitle = {Handbook of European Union Politics},
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abstract = {In the past decade, comparative federalism has moved from the periphery of scholarship on the European Union to the mainstream. While pioneering scholars (see for instance Friedrich 1969; Forsyth 1981; Cappelletti et al. 1986; Scharpf 1988; Weiler 1991; Dehousse 1992; Sbragia 1992) have long applied insights from comparative federalism (or confederalism) to describe and explain the dynamics of European integration, the dominant theoretical perspectives on European integration rejected the relevance of federal comparisons. Intergovernmentalists had clear reasons to do so. From the intergovernmentalist perspective, European integration is driven by the same forces that explain the development of other international regimes (Moravcsik 1998), forces which differ in fundamental ways from the forces at work in domestic settings. From this ...},
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In the past decade, comparative federalism has moved from the periphery of scholarship on the European Union to the mainstream. While pioneering scholars (see for instance Friedrich 1969; Forsyth 1981; Cappelletti et al. 1986; Scharpf 1988; Weiler 1991; Dehousse 1992; Sbragia 1992) have long applied insights from comparative federalism (or confederalism) to describe and explain the dynamics of European integration, the dominant theoretical perspectives on European integration rejected the relevance of federal comparisons. Intergovernmentalists had clear reasons to do so. From the intergovernmentalist perspective, European integration is driven by the same forces that explain the development of other international regimes (Moravcsik 1998), forces which differ in fundamental ways from the forces at work in domestic settings. From this ...
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Constitutionalizing the Federal Vision? Book Chapter
In: Menon, Anand; Schain, Martin (Ed.): Comparative Federalism, Chapter 4, pp. 59-92, OUP, 2006, ISBN: 9780199291106.
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author = {Kalypso Nicolaïdis},
editor = {Anand Menon and Martin Schain},
url = {http://kalypsonicolaidis.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Constitutionalizing-Federal-Vision.pdf},
isbn = {9780199291106},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-00-00},
booktitle = {Comparative Federalism},
pages = {59-92},
publisher = {OUP},
chapter = {4},
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2005
Bunse, Simone; Magnette, Paul; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Is the Commission the Small Member States’ Best Friend? Journal Article
In: 2005, vol. 9, 2005, ISSN: 1651-8942.
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issn = {1651-8942},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-11-00},
journal = {2005},
volume = {9},
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abstract = {The European Union (EU)’s institutional framework relies on a delicate balance between small, medium and large Member States – a balance that has come under intense scrutiny in the Convention on the Future of Europe and the enlargement process. Within the decision-making triangle, the big states have traditionally favoured the Council to wield their power, while the small states have tended to regard the Commission as their closest ally. The incentives of small states to seek close relations with the Commission stem from the combination of its general role in the institutional balance as guardian of the “common interest” and its specific functions from drafting to implementing EU legislation. The independence of the Commission of- fers small states a potential means to counterbalance the power of the ‘bigs’. This study revisits this assumption and investigates the multidimen- sional nature of the relationship between small states and the Commission: is the Commission really the small Member States’ “best friend”?},
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The European Union (EU)’s institutional framework relies on a delicate balance between small, medium and large Member States – a balance that has come under intense scrutiny in the Convention on the Future of Europe and the enlargement process. Within the decision-making triangle, the big states have traditionally favoured the Council to wield their power, while the small states have tended to regard the Commission as their closest ally. The incentives of small states to seek close relations with the Commission stem from the combination of its general role in the institutional balance as guardian of the “common interest” and its specific functions from drafting to implementing EU legislation. The independence of the Commission of- fers small states a potential means to counterbalance the power of the ‘bigs’. This study revisits this assumption and investigates the multidimen- sional nature of the relationship between small states and the Commission: is the Commission really the small Member States’ “best friend”?
Moravcsik, Andrew; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The Future of the Constitutional Process in the European Union Online
2005.
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Shaffer, Gregory; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Transnational Mutual Recognition Regimes: Governance Without Global Government Journal Article
In: 2005.
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Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
A Compact Between The United States and Europe Online
Brookings Institute 2005.
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Magnette, Paul; Bunse, Simone; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Shared Leadership in the EU: Theory and Reality Book Chapter
In: Curtin, Deirdre; Kellerman, Alfred E.; Blockmans, Steven (Ed.): The EU Constitution: The Best Way Forward?, pp. 275-296, T.M.C. Asser Press, 2005, ISBN: 978-90-6704-200-0.
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Since the French and Dutch voters rejected the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, in May and June 2005 respectively, politicians and lawyers have been confronted with the question of how to move forward. This book strives to formulate answers on the question of what to do if not all the Member States ratify the Treaty. It brings together contributions from over 50 experts from the 25 Member States, from candidate, potential candidate and neighbouring countries, as well as from Russia and the US. Key topics covered are: the process and impact of EU constitution-making; the democratic life of the EU; improving the efficiency and quality of legislation in the EU; the expansion of executive, judicial and legislative powers; and access to justice.
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Globalization with Human Faces: Managed Mutual Recognition and the Free Movement of Professionals Book Chapter
In: Schioppa, F. K. Padoa (Ed.): The Principle of Mutual Recognition in the European Integration Process, pp. 129-189, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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abstract = {While short-term capital flows and foreign direct investment have never moved across borders so freely, neither has the international movement of people been so ‘managed’. This is one of the apparent paradoxes at the heart of today’s pattern of globalization. In an era of much-proclaimed liberalism, rules at the national level governing conditions for the granting of visas, work or residence permits, and ultimately permanent residence and naturalization, constitute perhaps the strongest remaining expression of state power. These rules are hardly subject to any international oversight, or even coordination, save in the restricted realm of asylum, where the national norms relating to the movement of people become subject to international human-rights norms. The paradox, of course, is only apparent. The weight of forces driving the liberalization of capital movement dwarfs those driving the free movement of people. More fundamentally, policies addressing migration, bound up as they are with the ‘who is “us”’, the definition of political as well as economic boundaries, and, ultimately, the flexibility or lack thereof of group identities, escape the sole constraint of economic rationality.},
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While short-term capital flows and foreign direct investment have never moved across borders so freely, neither has the international movement of people been so ‘managed’. This is one of the apparent paradoxes at the heart of today’s pattern of globalization. In an era of much-proclaimed liberalism, rules at the national level governing conditions for the granting of visas, work or residence permits, and ultimately permanent residence and naturalization, constitute perhaps the strongest remaining expression of state power. These rules are hardly subject to any international oversight, or even coordination, save in the restricted realm of asylum, where the national norms relating to the movement of people become subject to international human-rights norms. The paradox, of course, is only apparent. The weight of forces driving the liberalization of capital movement dwarfs those driving the free movement of people. More fundamentally, policies addressing migration, bound up as they are with the ‘who is “us”’, the definition of political as well as economic boundaries, and, ultimately, the flexibility or lack thereof of group identities, escape the sole constraint of economic rationality.
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
UE: Un Moment Tocquevillien Journal Article
In: Politique Etrangere, vol. 3, pp. 495-509, 2005.
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Magnette, Paul; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Coping with the Lilliput Syndrome: Large vs. Small Member States in the European Convention Journal Article
In: European Public Law, vol. 11, no. 1, pp. 83-102, 2005.
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journal = {European Public Law},
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abstract = {Like all former treaty reforms, the Convention ran into deep divisions between large and small states – read more or less populated states – when it discussed institutional issues. This paper examines the impact of this cleavage on the process and outcome of the Convention. First, we recall how the tension was managed under the founding model, and show how successive enlargements made it ever more acute. We then show that, under the Convention, the classic compromises proved impossible, so that new deals needed to be found. We conclude that, despite the consensus proclaimed at the end of the process, the Convention partly failed to settle this problem.},
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Like all former treaty reforms, the Convention ran into deep divisions between large and small states – read more or less populated states – when it discussed institutional issues. This paper examines the impact of this cleavage on the process and outcome of the Convention. First, we recall how the tension was managed under the founding model, and show how successive enlargements made it ever more acute. We then show that, under the Convention, the classic compromises proved impossible, so that new deals needed to be found. We conclude that, despite the consensus proclaimed at the end of the process, the Convention partly failed to settle this problem.
Moravcsik, Andrew; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
How to Fix Europe’s Image Problem Journal Article
In: Foreign Policy, 2005.
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year = {2005},
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The European Union must showcase its democracy-building skills while avoiding moral grandstanding and its own version of unilateralism.
Meunier, Sophie; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The European Union as a Trade Power Book Chapter
In: Hill, Christopher; Smith, Michael (Ed.): The International Relations of the European Union, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005.
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year = {2005},
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The EU is a formidable trade power. While trade liberalization internally and externally have always been the essence of European integration, successive enlargements and the creation of the European Single Market have turned the EU into the world’s largest trade power. The EU is responsible for making trade policy through a complex decisionmaking process that has often been contested politically but allows it to speak on behalf of its members in international trade negotiations. This chapter argues that not only does the EU derive some inherent power from trade, but that it is also increasingly prone to use trade as the backbone of its normative power. As a result the EU is now becoming a world power through trade, as one of the major actors shaping the multilateral trade agenda, and using access to its market strategically in order to obtain political concessions from its commercial partners. This chapter explores the determinants of the EU’s trade power (both inherent and normative) and examines the contribution of trade policy to the power of Europe in the international system, both in the context of the World Trade Organization and in the broader framework of international relations.
2004
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
We, the Peoples of Europe Journal Article
In: Foreign Affairs, vol. 83, no. 6, pp. 97-110, 2004.
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Menon, Anand; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso; Walsh, Jennifer
In Defence of Europe: A Response to Kagan Journal Article
In: Journal of European Affairs, vol. 2, no. 3, 2004.
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title = {In Defence of Europe: A Response to Kagan},
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year = {2004},
date = {2004-08-00},
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Magnette, Paul; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The European Convention: Bargaining in the Shadow of Rhetoric Journal Article
In: West European Politics, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 381-404, 2004.
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title = {The European Convention: Bargaining in the Shadow of Rhetoric},
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url = {http://users.ox.ac.uk/%7Essfc0041/magnettenicolaidis.pdf},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-04-00},
journal = {West European Politics},
volume = {27},
number = {3},
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abstract = {The European Convention on the Future of Europe was initially presented as a turning point in the history of European integration. This paper argues that, although its composition was broader, its process more transparent and its rules more flexible than classic intergovernmental conferences, the Convention was not Europe’s Philadelphia. Since it took place under the shadow of the IGC and under a leadership especially sensitive to the positions of big member states, the Convention reproduced by enlarge the logic of intergovernmental bargains. Nevertheless, some of the Convention’s outcome – the most formal aspects of its draft treaty with less predictable distributional consequences– can be explained by the ‘social norm’ of constitutional deliberation conveyed by its president and supported by a majority of its members. The advent of constitutional politics, while consistent with prior political dynamics, is thus renewing the language of national interest convergence in the European Union.},
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The European Convention on the Future of Europe was initially presented as a turning point in the history of European integration. This paper argues that, although its composition was broader, its process more transparent and its rules more flexible than classic intergovernmental conferences, the Convention was not Europe’s Philadelphia. Since it took place under the shadow of the IGC and under a leadership especially sensitive to the positions of big member states, the Convention reproduced by enlarge the logic of intergovernmental bargains. Nevertheless, some of the Convention’s outcome – the most formal aspects of its draft treaty with less predictable distributional consequences– can be explained by the ‘social norm’ of constitutional deliberation conveyed by its president and supported by a majority of its members. The advent of constitutional politics, while consistent with prior political dynamics, is thus renewing the language of national interest convergence in the European Union.
Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Notre Démo-cratie européenne; Cette constitution est-elle une troisième voie pour l’Europe? Book Chapter
In: vol. L’ Europe en Partage, Lignes-Léo Scheer, 2004.
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Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Notre Démo-cratie européenne; Cette constitution est-elle une troisième voie pour l’Europe? Journal Article
In: Lignes n°13: L’ Europe en Partage, 2004, ISBN: 978-2849380062.
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Anastasakis, Othon; Bertrand, Gilles; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Getting to Yes: Suggestions for Embellishment of the Annan Plan for Cyprus Online
South East European Studies Programme, European Studies Centre, St Antony’s College, Oxford 2004.
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Turkey is European… for Europe’s sake Online
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Netherlands 2004.
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year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-00},
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
The new constitution as european ‘demoi‐cracy’? Journal Article
In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, vol. 7, pp. 76-93, 2004.
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title = {The new constitution as european ‘demoi‐cracy’?},
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abstract = {How should we assess the project for a Constitution presented by the Convention on the Future of Europe? This paper argues that in order to succeed, an EU Constitution would need to present a positive vision of what democracy in Europe is about. While the draft Constitution fails in finding the right language in this regard, it does nevertheless contain an all too implicit manifesto: that ours is a European ‘demoi‐cracy’ founded on the recognition of the persistent plurality of its component peoples but not reducible to a set of complex bargains between sovereign states. The paper analyses the main feature of the project against this benchmark and argues that it is closer to the spirit of demoi‐cracy when dealing with the vertical relationship between the Union and its member‐states than when dealing with the horizontal relationship among the member‐states themselves.},
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How should we assess the project for a Constitution presented by the Convention on the Future of Europe? This paper argues that in order to succeed, an EU Constitution would need to present a positive vision of what democracy in Europe is about. While the draft Constitution fails in finding the right language in this regard, it does nevertheless contain an all too implicit manifesto: that ours is a European ‘demoi‐cracy’ founded on the recognition of the persistent plurality of its component peoples but not reducible to a set of complex bargains between sovereign states. The paper analyses the main feature of the project against this benchmark and argues that it is closer to the spirit of demoi‐cracy when dealing with the vertical relationship between the Union and its member‐states than when dealing with the horizontal relationship among the member‐states themselves.
Fabre, Thierry; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
L’Union Européenne, puissance post-coloniale en Méditerranée? Journal Article
In: Colonialism et postcolonialism en Méditerranée, 2004.
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date = {2004-00-00},
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abstract = {Comment penser une Europe qui pèse vraiment dans les affaires du monde, et de l’espace méditerranéen en particulier? On ne cesse de le répéter : à l’aune de la puissance américaine, l’Union Européenne ne fera pas le poids militairement pendant certainement des décennies. Et de toutes façon, son ambition ne peut être de s’opposer ou de se comparer aux Etats-Unis, ni même de se présenter comme puissance alternative, alors qu’au Sud personne ne regrette le temps de la « mission civilisatrice de l’homme blanc », version archéo. Reste qu’entre les deux écueils, celui d’un hégémonisme américain s’exprimant au travers d’une politique de domination unilatérale, et celui d’une gestion conjointe du monde servant les intérêts propres des deux puissances, l’Europe peut choisir une troisième voie, celle d’être non une puissance mais un modèle alternatif, non pas systématiquement contre ou avec mais à côté des Etats-Unis. Un tel projet s'articulerait autour de quelques principes clés: le principe de cohérence d’une part, entre l’être et le faire, politiques internes et ambitions externes, le principe de réciprocité d’autre part, qui suppose de renverser le regard sur en regard de l’autre, non plus de l’Occident vers l’Orient, mais du Sud vers le Nord. Enfin, il s’agit de donner un contenu fort à la notion d’une Europe réellement et profondément post-coloniale, une Europe qui serait à même de tourner pour de bond la page mal écrite du « clash des civilisations », grille de lecture commode mais si dévastatrice du monde contemporain.},
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Comment penser une Europe qui pèse vraiment dans les affaires du monde, et de l’espace méditerranéen en particulier? On ne cesse de le répéter : à l’aune de la puissance américaine, l’Union Européenne ne fera pas le poids militairement pendant certainement des décennies. Et de toutes façon, son ambition ne peut être de s’opposer ou de se comparer aux Etats-Unis, ni même de se présenter comme puissance alternative, alors qu’au Sud personne ne regrette le temps de la « mission civilisatrice de l’homme blanc », version archéo. Reste qu’entre les deux écueils, celui d’un hégémonisme américain s’exprimant au travers d’une politique de domination unilatérale, et celui d’une gestion conjointe du monde servant les intérêts propres des deux puissances, l’Europe peut choisir une troisième voie, celle d’être non une puissance mais un modèle alternatif, non pas systématiquement contre ou avec mais à côté des Etats-Unis. Un tel projet s'articulerait autour de quelques principes clés: le principe de cohérence d’une part, entre l’être et le faire, politiques internes et ambitions externes, le principe de réciprocité d’autre part, qui suppose de renverser le regard sur en regard de l’autre, non plus de l’Occident vers l’Orient, mais du Sud vers le Nord. Enfin, il s’agit de donner un contenu fort à la notion d’une Europe réellement et profondément post-coloniale, une Europe qui serait à même de tourner pour de bond la page mal écrite du « clash des civilisations », grille de lecture commode mais si dévastatrice du monde contemporain.
Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
The Power of the Superpowerless Book Chapter
In: Lindberg, Tod (Ed.): Beyond Paradise and Power: Europe, America, and the Future of a Troubled Partnership, pp. 93-120, Routledge, 2004.
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Nicolaïdis, Kalypso; Nicolaïdis, Dimitri
The EuroMed beyond Civilisational Paradigms Book Chapter
In: Adler, Emanuel; Bicchi, Federica; Crawford, Beverly; Sarto, Raffaella A. Del (Ed.): The Convergence of Civilizations? Constructing a Mediterranean Region, pp. 337-378, Palgrave-Macmillan, 2004, ISBN: 978-1-4426-2112-1.
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title = {The EuroMed beyond Civilisational Paradigms},
author = {Kalypso Nicolaïdis and Dimitri Nicolaïdis},
editor = {Emanuel Adler and Federica Bicchi and Beverly Crawford and Raffaella A. Del Sarto},
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isbn = {978-1-4426-2112-1},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-00-00},
booktitle = {The Convergence of Civilizations? Constructing a Mediterranean Region},
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
La Turquie dans l'Union, en miroir de l'Europe Journal Article
In: Mouvements, vol. 1, no. 31, pp. 128-132, 2004.
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title = {La Turquie dans l'Union, en miroir de l'Europe},
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Lacroix, Justine; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Quelle justice au-delà de l'État-nation ? Deux paradigmes pour l'Europe Journal Article
In: Mouvements, vol. 5, no. 35, pp. 105-113, 2004.
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title = {Quelle justice au-delà de l'État-nation ? Deux paradigmes pour l'Europe},
author = {Justine Lacroix and Kalypso Nicolaidïs},
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year = {2004},
date = {2004-00-00},
journal = {Mouvements},
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso; Tong, Joyce
Diversity or Cacophony? The Continuing Debate over Sources of International Law Journal Article
In: Michigan Journal of International Law, vol. 24, pp. 1349-1375, 2004.
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title = {Diversity or Cacophony? The Continuing Debate over Sources of International Law},
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date = {2004-00-00},
journal = {Michigan Journal of International Law},
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso; Messina, Aïcha
Demos et Demoï: Fonder la constitution Journal Article
In: Lignes 1, vol. 1, pp. 88-109, 2004.
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title = {Demos et Demoï: Fonder la constitution},
author = {Kalypso Nicolaidïs and Aïcha Messina},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-00-00},
journal = {Lignes 1},
volume = {1},
pages = {88-109},
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2003
Magnette, Paul; Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
Large and Small Member States: Reinventing the Balance Journal Article
In: Research and European Issues, vol. 25, pp. 1-43, 2003, (Alternative link: https://www.euractiv.com/section/future-eu/opinion/large-and-small-member-states-in-the-european-union-reinventing-the-balance/ Summary: A real compromise for the EU presidency is still possible. URL: http://users.ox.ac.uk/%7Essfc0041/EUPresidency.pdf).
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title = {Large and Small Member States: Reinventing the Balance},
author = {Paul Magnette and Kalypso Nicolaïdis},
editor = {Notre Europe-Institut Jacques Delors},
url = {https://institutdelors.eu/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/etud25-en.pdf},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-05-19},
journal = {Research and European Issues},
volume = {25},
pages = {1-43},
organization = {Notre Europe},
note = {Alternative link: https://www.euractiv.com/section/future-eu/opinion/large-and-small-member-states-in-the-european-union-reinventing-the-balance/
Summary: A real compromise for the EU presidency is still possible. URL: http://users.ox.ac.uk/%7Essfc0041/EUPresidency.pdf},
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Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Dire Oui au Nom de l’Europe (Saying Yes in the Name of Europe) Online
Radikal 2003.
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url = {http://users.ox.ac.uk/%7Essfc0041/BertrandNicolaidis.pdf},
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date = {2003-05-13},
address = {Istanbul},
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Weatherill, Stephen; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
Whose Europe? National Models and the Constitution of the European Union Online
Weatherill, Stephen; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso (Ed.): 2003.
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title = {Whose Europe? National Models and the Constitution of the European Union},
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url = {https://europaeum.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/Whose-Europe.pdf},
year = {2003},
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Nicolaïdis, Kalypso
What is in a Name: Europe’s Federal Future and the Convention on the Future of Europe” Online
Jurist Europe 2003.
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title = {What is in a Name: Europe’s Federal Future and the Convention on the Future of Europe”},
author = {Kalypso Nicolaïdis},
url = {http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0041/fedunion0303.pdf},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-04-00},
journal = {Jurist Europe},
organization = {Jurist Europe},
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pubstate = {published},
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Howse, Robert; Nicolaidïs, Kalypso
‘This is my EUtopia…’: Narratives of Power Book
1 edition, Wiley-Blackwell, 2003, ISBN: 978-1-405-11232-1.
@book{Howse2003,
title = {‘This is my EUtopia…’: Narratives of Power},
author = {Robert Howse and Kalypso Nicolaidïs},
editor = {Joseph H H Weiler and John Peterson and Iain Begg},
url = {https://kalypsonicolaidis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Nic-Howse2002.pdf},
isbn = {978-1-405-11232-1},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-03-00},
urldate = {2003-03-00},
booktitle = {Integration in an Expanding European Union: Reassessing the Fundamentals},
pages = {440p},
publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
edition = {1 edition},
chapter = {11},
series = {Journal of Common Market Studies (Book 7)},
abstract = {The original comparative mission of JCMS testifies to the propensity of the EU, since its inception, to project its model on to the rest of the world. This article argues that narratives of projection are indeed key to the EU’s global influence and that, in this particular sense, the idea of Europe as a civilian power is more relevant than ever. But such narratives require our engagement with their reflexive nature: what is usually projected is not the EU as is, but an EUtopia. At a time when both the EU and the international trade system are undergoing crises of legitimacy, EU actors can learn a lot from the remedies suggested for the global level by such an EUtopia.},
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The original comparative mission of JCMS testifies to the propensity of the EU, since its inception, to project its model on to the rest of the world. This article argues that narratives of projection are indeed key to the EU’s global influence and that, in this particular sense, the idea of Europe as a civilian power is more relevant than ever. But such narratives require our engagement with their reflexive nature: what is usually projected is not the EU as is, but an EUtopia. At a time when both the EU and the international trade system are undergoing crises of legitimacy, EU actors can learn a lot from the remedies suggested for the global level by such an EUtopia.